Pakistan Studies By Gul Shahzad Sarwar Pdf 22

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Pakistan Studies By Gul Shahzad Sarwar Pdf 22

in fact, for all its clunky english prose, the constitution allowed for anything and everything to happen, and being a constituent assembly that had two political parties in it, this meant that the two parties could indeed deal with each other as equals.

however, the only real realisation that emerged from the document was the fact that within pakistan was the idea of an islamic state, and this was possible in the country because there was no other way to have the constitutional right to personal liberties and individual rights that existed in the country

less than a year before pakistani troops and peshawar police entered the dera ghazi khan and emptied out of it muslims of all ethnicities. they werent pakistani by birth, but there were pakistani families among them. this couldnt ever be more clear than to the women and girls of the bibi paki family, who were terrified as pakistani soldiers came crashing in, closing the fence, hosing down their courtyard, and carrying away their husbands and children as hostages.

but the forces that were then fully unleashed upon india were uniquely pakistani, even as the indian made great efforts to use the same forces that were just as uniquely indian. the military mission and the state of mind that drove it were as individualistic and pakistani in their very essence, as pakistani nationalism was of provincial nationalism.

it wasnt with the aim of seeking to superimpose pakistan on an existing cultural identity that pakistan acceded to the united nations, on april 14, 1947. jinnah had accepted un membership as the best way to put an end to the partition of india, which was in the making, under mahatma gandhi in the constituent assembly of the league of nations.

consequently, jinnah could not very well have thought of the as-yet-to-be-constructed pakistan as a historically distinct culture. he was looking to build a nation, in the location from which it would form, and the first task at hand was to become a state, with exclusive control over all of the territory and people of the land that comprised the muslim-majority areas of british india.
historical proximity in no way dictated cultural identity. it was a dramatic anomaly that even though indian punjab had been the heartland of indian civilisation since the ancient times, the punjab that was pakistan under jinnahs federal plan – and which remained the punjab in as much as it not yet had come into existence – was the marginalised part.
a few years of independence was enough to show that the punjab was probably the most culturally indian province in the whole country. because of punjabis sheer numbers, most languages in pakistan were actually punjabi-based. but punjabi culture and influence had also penetrated the region from afghanistan and baluchistan.
but after the partition, the punjab and not the rest of pakistan remained pakistan for a simple reason. pakistan had come into existence with no population statistics for its land and people. jinnah, who knew the punjabs geography inside out, had no way of guessing how large the territory that was becoming pakistan would be.
jinnah had no choice but to choose the federal capitals in lahore and later in karachi, pakistans economic powerhouse, to be the new capital city. while the city had gained much from its association with muslim power, it needed to be seen by the new state as a symbol of pakistan. that it would not become the centre of a homeland until 1871, when all muslims living in india were given independence, and that jinnah wanted the city, would be enormously empowering to its muslims.
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